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USTR大使就中美贸易关系新方针的讲话

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发表于 2021-10-8 11:23:01 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
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Remarks As Prepared for Delivery of Ambassador Katherine Tai Outlining the Biden-Harris Administration’s “New Approach to the U.S.-China Trade Relationship”
凯瑟琳-戴大使概述拜登-哈里斯政府 "美中贸易关系新方针 "的讲话October 04, 2021
2021年10月4日

(编注:以下中文内容为粗略翻译,仅供参考,详情请见原文)
WASHINGTON – United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai today delivered remarks at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) outlining the Biden-Harris Administration’s new approach to the U.S.-China bilateral trade relationship.
美国贸易代表戴耀廷今天在国际战略研究中心发表讲话,概述了拜登-哈里斯政府处理美中双边贸易关系的新方法。

You can watch the remarks live at www.csis.org/events/conversation ... ade-representative.
Ambassador Tai’s remarks as prepared for delivery are below:
你可以在www.csis.org/events/conversation ... rade-representative,观看讲话的实况。
以下是戴大使准备发表的讲话:

Hello, everyone.  Thank you for being here.  I want to thank John Hamre, Bill Reinsch, and the Center for Strategic & International Studies for hosting me today.  CSIS plays a vital role in our foreign policy discourse.  It is fitting that I am here speaking to you about one of the most important global issues.
大家好。谢谢你们的到来。我要感谢约翰 · 哈姆雷、比尔 · 莱因施和战略与国际研究中心今天接待我。CSIS 在我们的外交政策讨论中扮演着重要的角色。我在这里就最重要的全球问题之一向大家发表讲话是很合适的。

I have said this before and I will continue to say it: the U.S.-China trade and economic relationship is one of profound consequence.  As the two largest economies in the world, how we relate to each other does not just affect our two countries. It impacts the entire world and billions of workers.
我以前曾经说过,我将继续说: 美中贸易和经济关系是一个深远的影响。作为世界上最大的两个经济体,我们彼此之间的关系不仅影响到我们两国。它影响了整个世界和数十亿工人。

This bilateral relationship is complex and competitive.  President Biden welcomes that competition to support American workers, grow our economy, and create jobs at home.  
这种双边关系是复杂和竞争性的。 拜登总统欢迎这种竞争,以支持美国工人,发展我们的经济,并在国内创造就业机会。

He believes we need to manage the competition responsibly – and ensure that it is fair.  
他认为,我们需要负责任地管理这种竞争--并确保它是公平的。

For too long, China’s lack of adherence to global trading norms has undercut the prosperity of Americans and others around the world.  
长期以来,中国不遵守全球贸易规范,削弱了美国人和世界各地其他人的繁荣。

In recent years, Beijing has doubled down on its state-centered economic system.  It is increasingly clear that China’s plans do not include meaningful reforms to address the concerns that have been shared by the United States and many other countries.  
近年来,中国政府加倍坚持以国家为中心的经济体制。越来越清楚的是,中国的计划并没有包括有意义的改革,以解决美国和其他许多国家共同关心的问题。

We have a lot of work to do.
我们有很多工作要做。

To be successful, we must be direct and honest about the challenges we face and the grave risk from leaving them unaddressed.  We must explore all options to chart the most effective path forward.
为了取得成功,我们必须直接和诚实地面对我们面临的挑战,以及不解决这些挑战所带来的严重风险。我们必须探索所有选择,以规划最有效的前进道路。

When it comes to our relationship with China, what’s best for American workers is growing the American economy to create more opportunity and more jobs with better wages here in the United States.  
当涉及到我们与中国的关系时,对美国工人来说最好的就是发展美国经济,在美国创造更多的机会和更好的工资。

As the United States Trade Representative, I intend to deliver on President Biden’s vision for a worker-centered trade policy in the U.S.-China trade dynamic.  We need to show that trade policy can be a force for good in the lives of everyday people.  
作为美国贸易代表,我打算在美中贸易动态中实现拜登总统提出的以工人为中心的贸易政策愿景。我们需要表明,贸易政策可以成为普通民众生活中的一股造福力量。

We will create durable trade policy that benefits a broad range of stakeholders by rebuilding trust with our workers and aligning our domestic and foreign policies.
我们将通过与我们的工人重建信任,并使我们的国内和国外政策保持一致,创造出有利于广泛的利益相关者的持久贸易政策。

President Biden has been clear: the key to our global competitiveness and creating shared prosperity begins at home.  We have to make smart domestic investments to increase our own competitiveness.  We must invest in research and development and clean energy technology, strengthen our manufacturing base, and incentivize companies to Buy American up and down the supply chain.
拜登总统已经说得很清楚: 我们全球竞争力和创造共同繁荣的关键始于国内。我们必须作出明智的国内投资,以提高我们自己的竞争力。我们必须投资于研发和清洁能源技术,加强我们的制造业基础,并鼓励企业在整个供应链中购买美国产品。

We already accomplished some of that work with the American Rescue Plan, the Administration’s focus on supply chain resilience, and our investments in our technological leadership.  The Administration is working closely with Congress to build on those actions with the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal and the Build Back Better agenda.
我们已经通过美国救援计划、政府对供应链弹性的关注,以及我们对技术领先地位的投资,完成了其中一些工作。政府正在与国会密切合作,通过两党基础设施协议和重建更好的议程,在这些行动的基础上再接再厉。

In terms of U.S.-China trade, in recent months, the Biden-Harris Administration has conducted a comprehensive review.
在美中贸易方面,最近几个月,拜登-哈里斯政府进行了一次全面审查。

And today, I will lay out the starting point of our Administration’s strategic vision for realigning our trade policies towards China to defend the interests of America’s workers, businesses, farmers and producers, and strengthen our middle class.  
今天,我将列出我们政府战略愿景的出发点,重新调整我们对华贸易政策,以维护美国工人、企业、农民和生产者的利益,并加强我们的中产阶级。

First, we will discuss with China its performance under the Phase One Agreement.  China made commitments that benefit certain American industries, including agriculture, that we must enforce.  
首先,我们将与中国讨论其在《第一阶段协议》下的表现。 中国做出了有利于包括农业在内的某些美国产业的承诺,我们必须执行这些承诺。

President Biden will continue to promote our economic interests – and build confidence for American industry.
拜登总统将继续促进我们的经济利益,并为美国工业建立信心。

Second, we will start a targeted tariff exclusion process.  We will ensure that the existing enforcement structure optimally serves our economic interests.  We will keep open the potential for additional exclusion processes, as warranted.
第二,我们将启动有针对性的关税排除程序。我们会确保现行的执法架构能以最佳方式符合香港的经济利益。我们将保持开放的潜力,额外的排除过程,如果需要的话。

Third, we continue to have serious concerns with China’s state-centered and non-market trade practices that were not addressed in the Phase One deal.  As we work to enforce the terms of Phase One, we will raise these broader policy concerns with Beijing.  
第三,我们继续严重关切中国以国家为中心的非市场贸易做法,这些做法在第一阶段的交易中没有得到解决。在我们努力执行第一阶段的条款时,我们将向北京方面提出这些更广泛的政策关切。

And we will use the full range of tools we have and develop new tools as needed to defend American economic interests from harmful policies and practices.
我们将利用我们所拥有的全部工具,开发新的工具,以保护美国的经济利益免受有害政策和做法的影响。

Finally and critically, we will continue to work with allies to shape the rules for fair trade in the 21st century, and facilitate a race to the top for market economies and democracies.
最后,关键的是,我们将继续与盟友合作,为21世纪的公平贸易制定规则,并促进市场经济和民主国家的竞争。

Before I get into further details around our plans, I would like to reflect on how the U.S.-China trade relationship has evolved in recent decades – and how we got to where we are today.
在进一步讨论我们计划的细节之前,我想先回顾一下近几十年来美中贸易关系的发展,以及我们是如何走到今天这一步的。

From the late 1970s to mid-1980s, China went from the world’s eleventh-largest economy to the eighth-largest.  U.S. exports to China increased approximately four-fold, while imports grew 14 times in less than 1 0 years.  
从上世纪70年代末到80年代中期,中国从世界第11大经济体跃居第8大经济体。在不到10年的时间里,美国对中国的出口增长了大约4倍,而进口增长了14倍。

This economic growth set the stage for China’s efforts to join the WTO.   
这种经济增长为中国加入世贸组织奠定了基础。

The world faced an important challenge at that time: how to integrate a state-led economy into a trade institution created by those dedicated to open, market-oriented principles.
当时,世界面临着一个重大挑战: 如何将国家主导的经济纳入由致力于开放、面向市场原则的人创建的贸易机构。

In grappling with this dilemma, some believed there would be huge boosts in industrial and agricultural exports to China and its growing middle class.  Others argued that accelerated and massive job losses would result.
为了应对这一困境,一些人认为,对中国及其不断壮大的中产阶级的工业和农业出口将会大幅增长。其他人则认为会加速和大规模的失业。

In the end, China officially joined the WTO in December 2001.
最后,中国于2001年12月正式加入世贸组织。

Over the next decade and a half, the United States pursued a dual-track approach with Beijing.
在接下来的15年里,美国采取了与北京的双轨办法。

One track involved annual high-level dialogues between U.S. and Chinese officials over three successive presidential administrations.  These talks were intended to push China towards complying with and internalizing WTO rules and norms, and making other market-oriented changes.  
其中一个轨道涉及美国和中国官员连续三届总统任期内的年度高级别对话。这些会谈的目的是推动中国遵守和内化世贸组织的规则和规范,并作出其他面向市场的改变。

But those commitments became more difficult to secure over the years, and China’s follow-through was inconsistent and impossible to enforce.
但这些年来,这些承诺变得更加难以兑现,中国的后续行动也不一致,无法实施。

The other track focused on dispute settlement cases at the WTO.  We brought 27 cases against China, including some I litigated myself, and through collaboration with our allies.  We secured victories in every case that was decided.  Still, even when China changed the specific practices we challenged, it did not change the underlying policies, and meaningful reforms by China remained elusive.  
另一条轨道侧重于世贸组织的争端解决案件。我们对中国提起了27起诉讼,其中包括我自己提起的一些诉讼,并通过与我们的盟友合作。我们在每一个已经决定的案件中都取得了胜利。尽管如此,即使中国改变了我们所挑战的具体做法,它也没有改变基本政策,中国的有意义的改革仍然难以实现。

In recent years, China’s leaders have doubled-down on their state-centric economic model.
近年来,中国领导人加倍坚持以国家为中心的经济模式。

Faced with the reality that neither the dialogue nor the enforcement tracks were producing meaningful changes, the previous administration decided to use a different paradigm – unilateral U.S. pressure – to try to change Beijing’s practices.
面对现实,无论是对话还是执行轨道都没有产生有意义的变化,上届政府决定采用另一种模式——美国单方面施压——试图改变北京的做法。

It launched an investigation focused on China’s forced IP and technology transfer policies – longstanding and serious problems.  This led to substantial U.S. tariffs on imports from China – and retaliation by China.  Against this backdrop of rising tensions, in January 2020, the previous administration and China agreed to what is commonly referred to as the “Phase One Agreement.”  
它发起了一项针对中国强制性知识产权和技术转让政策的调查——这是长期存在的严重问题。这导致美国对从中国进口的商品征收高额关税,中国也进行了报复。在紧张局势不断升级的背景下,2020年1月,上届政府与中国达成了通常所说的“第一阶段协议”

This agreement includes a limited set of commitments.  These cover China’s obligations regarding intellectual property and technology transfer, purchases of American products, and improved market access for the agriculture and financial services sectors.  
这项协议包括一系列有限的承诺。这包括中国在知识产权和技术转让、购买美国产品以及改善农业和金融服务部门的市场准入方面的义务。

It has stabilized the market, especially for U.S. agricultural exports. But our analysis indicates that while commitments in certain areas have been met, and certain business interests have seen benefits, there have been shortfalls in others.
它稳定了市场,尤其是美国的农产品出口。但我们的分析表明,虽然某些领域的承诺已经兑现,某些商业利益已经受益,但在其他领域却存在不足。

But the reality is, this agreement did not meaningfully address the fundamental concerns that we have with China’s trade practices and their harmful impacts on the U.S. economy.
但现实是,这项协议并没有有意义地解决我们对中国贸易行为及其对美国经济的有害影响的根本关切。

Even with the Phase One Agreement in place, China’s government continues to pour billions of dollars into targeted industries and continues to shape its economy to the will of the state – hurting the interests of workers here in the U.S and around the world.  
即使签订了第一阶段协议,中国政府仍继续向目标产业投入数十亿美元,并继续按照国家意愿塑造其经济——这损害了美国和世界各地工人的利益。

Let’s look at the steel industry.  In 2000, there were more than 100 U.S. steel companies.  We produced 100 million metric tons of steel annually and the industry employed 136,000 people in communities across the country.
让我们来看看钢铁行业。2000年,美国有100多家钢铁公司。我们每年生产1亿公吨钢材,这个行业在全国各地的社区雇佣了13.6万人。

Soon after, China started building its own steel plants.  Its production capacity ballooned, depriving U.S. steel companies of valuable market opportunities.  Low priced Chinese steel flooded the global market, driving out businesses in the United States and around the world.  
不久之后,中国开始建造自己的钢铁厂。它的生产能力激增,剥夺了美国钢铁公司宝贵的市场机会。低价的中国钢铁充斥着全球市场,将美国和世界各地的企业挤出了市场。

Every steel plant that shuttered left hundreds of workers without livelihoods.  It also left communities reeling, as small businesses dependent on plants also closed their doors and blighted buildings brought down real estate values.
每一家关闭的钢铁厂都让数百名工人失去了生计。由于依赖核电站的小企业也关门大吉,破败的建筑物降低了房地产价值,这也使得社区陷入混乱。

Today, China produces over one billion metric tons annually – and accounts for nearly 60 percent of global steel production.  China produces more steel in a single month than the United States and most other countries in the world produce in an entire year.  In the U.S., employment in the steel industry has dropped 40 percent since 2000.  
如今,中国每年生产超过10亿吨钢铁,占全球钢铁产量的近60% 。中国一个月的钢铁产量超过了美国和世界上大多数其他国家一整年的产量。在美国,钢铁行业的就业人数自2000年以来下降了40% 。

We see the impact of China’s unfair policies in the production of photovoltaic solar cells.  The United States was once a global leader in what was then an emerging industry.  But as China built out its own industry, our companies were forced to close their doors.  
我们看到了中国在光伏太阳能电池生产方面不公平政策的影响。美国曾经是一个新兴产业的全球领导者。但随着中国建立起自己的产业,我们的公司被迫关门大吉。

Today, China represents 80 percent of global production – and large parts of the solar supply chain don’t even exist in the United States.
今天,中国占全球产量的80% ,而太阳能供应链的很大一部分甚至不存在于美国。

U.S. agriculture has not been spared either.  While we have seen more exports to China in recent years, market share is shrinking and agriculture remains an unpredictable sector for U.S. farmers and ranchers who have come to rely heavily on this market.  China’s regulatory authorities continue to deploy measures that limit or threaten the market access for our producers – and their bottom line.  
美国农业也未能幸免。虽然近年来我们看到对中国的出口有所增加,但市场份额正在萎缩,对于严重依赖中国市场的美国农场主和牧场主来说,农业仍然是一个不可预测的领域。中国监管当局继续采取措施,限制或威胁我们生产商的市场准入,以及他们的利润。

We also see troubling dynamics playing out today with the semiconductor industry.  In 2014, China issued an industrial plan to announce “the goal of establishing a world-leading semiconductor industry…by 2030.”  Reportedly, China has already spent at least $150 billion on this effort, with more on the way.  Its intentions are clear, just as they were with steel and solar.  
今天,我们也看到了美国半导体产业的麻烦动态。2014年,中国发布了一项产业计划,宣布了“到2030年建立世界领先的中国半导体产业的目标”据报道,中国已经在这方面投入了至少1500亿美元,还有更多的投入正在进行中。它的意图是明确的,就像他们对待钢铁和太阳能一样。

Those policies have reinforced a zero-sum dynamic in the world economy where China’s growth and prosperity come at the expense of workers and economic opportunity here in the U.S. and other market-based, democratic economies.   
这些政策加强了世界经济中的零和动态,中国的增长和繁荣是以牺牲美国和其他以市场为基础的民主经济体的工人和经济机会为代价的。

That is why we need to take a new, holistic, and pragmatic approach in our relationship with China that can actually further our strategic and economic objectives – for the near-term and the long-term.  
这就是为什么我们需要在我们与中国的关系中采取一种新的、整体的和务实的方法,这实际上可以促进我们的战略和经济目标——无论是近期的还是长期的。

As our economic relationship with China evolves, so too must our tactics to defend our interests.  As the years go by, the stakes keep getting higher and boosting American competitiveness becomes all the more important.  
随着我们与中国经济关系的发展,我们捍卫自身利益的策略也必须发展。随着时间的推移,风险越来越高,提高美国的竞争力变得越来越重要。

Our strategy must address these concerns, while also being flexible and agile to confront future challenges from China that may arise.
我们的战略必须解决这些问题,同时也要灵活和敏捷地应对来自中国的未来可能出现的挑战。

So how do we accomplish this?
那么,我们如何实现这一目标呢?

Unlike the past, this administration will engage from a position of strength because we are investing in our workers and our infrastructure.
与过去不同的是,本届政府将从实力的角度参与,因为我们正在对我们的工人和基础设施进行投资。

Repairing our roads and bridges, modernizing our ports, and delivering expanded broadband are the kinds of investments that will begin to give American workers and businesses the boost needed to embrace their global competitiveness.  
修复我们的道路和桥梁,使我们的港口现代化,以及提供扩大的宽带,这些投资将开始给美国的工人和企业带来拥抱他们的全球竞争力所需的推动力。

And we must harness and leverage the talent of our people by investing in education and worker training – investments that are included in the President’s Build Back Better plan. We also need to re-double our own efforts to be the most innovative country in the world by researching, developing, and creating new and emerging technology.
我们必须通过投资教育和工人培训来利用和发挥我们人民的才能——这些投资包括在总统的“重建更好”计划中。我们还需要加倍努力,通过研究、开发和创造新兴技术,成为世界上最具创新力的国家。

China and other countries have been investing in their infrastructure for decades.  If we are going to compete in the global market, we need to make equal or greater investments here at home.   
几十年来,中国和其他国家一直在投资基础设施建设。如果我们要在全球市场上竞争,我们需要在国内做出同等或更大的投资。

That continuous investment ensures we can maintain our competitive edge throughout the 21st century.
这种持续的投资确保了我们能够在21世纪保持竞争优势。

Beyond our domestic investments, in the coming days, I intend to have frank conversations with my counterpart in China.
除了我们的国内投资,在未来的几天里,我打算与中国的同行进行坦诚的对话。

That will include discussion over China’s performance under the Phase One Agreement.
这将包括讨论中国在第一阶段协议下的表现。

And we will also directly engage with China on its industrial policies. Our objective is not to inflame trade tensions with China.
我们还将直接与中国就产业政策进行接触。我们的目标不是加剧与中国的贸易紧张局势。

Durable coexistence requires accountability and respect for the enormous consequences of our actions.  I am committed to working through the many challenges ahead in this bilateral process in order to deliver meaningful results.
持久的共存需要对我们行动的巨大后果负责和尊重。我致力于应对这一双边进程中的许多挑战,以取得有意义的成果。

But above all else, we must defend – to the hilt – our economic interests.  
但最重要的是,我们必须竭尽全力捍卫我们的经济利益。

That means taking all steps necessary to protect ourselves against the waves of damage inflicted over the years through unfair competition.  We need to be prepared to deploy all tools and explore the development of new ones, including through collaboration with other economies and countries.  And we must chart a new course to change the trajectory of our bilateral trade dynamic.
这意味着我们要采取一切必要措施,保护自己免受多年来不公平竞争造成的损害波及。我们需要做好准备,部署所有工具,探索新工具的开发,包括通过与其他经济体和国家的合作。我们必须开辟一条新的道路,改变我们双边贸易活力的轨迹。

And vitally, we will work closely with our allies and like-minded partners towards building truly fair international trade that enables healthy competition.
至关重要的是,我们将与我们的盟友和志同道合的伙伴密切合作,以建立真正公平的国际贸易,促进健康的竞争。

I have been working to strengthen our alliances through bilateral, regional, and multilateral engagement.  And I will continue to do so.
我一直在努力通过双边、区域和多边接触来加强我们的联盟。我将继续这样做。

The agreements we reached in June with the EU and the UK to resolve the large civil aircraft disputes at the WTO demonstrate President Biden’s commitment to work with our partners to create a more level playing field for our workers.
今年6月,我们与欧盟和英国达成协议,在世贸组织解决大型民用飞机纠纷,这表明拜登总统致力于与我们的伙伴合作,为我们的工人创造一个更公平的竞争环境。

Just last week, I co-chaired the first meeting of the U.S.-E.U. Trade and Technology Council.  As Europe strengthens its own defenses against non-market practices, we will work with them to ensure that our collective policies deliver.
就在上周,我共同主持了美欧贸易和技术委员会的第一次会议。随着欧洲加强自身对非市场行为的防御,我们将与他们合作,确保我们的集体政策发挥作用。

In the G7, G20, and at the WTO, we are discussing market distortions and other unfair trade practices, such as the use of forced labor in the fisheries sector, and in global supply chains, including in Xinjiang.
在七国集团、二十国集团和世贸组织,我们正在讨论市场扭曲和其他不公平的贸易行为,比如在渔业部门和全球供应链中使用强制劳动力,包括在新疆。

In the coming months and years, we will build off of this work.
在接下来的几个月和几年里,我们将完成这项工作。

Our goal is to bring deliberative, stable, long-term thinking to our approach – and to work through bilateral and multilateral channels.  The core of our strategy is a commitment to ensuring we work with our allies to create fair and open markets.
我们的目标是使我们的方法具有审议性、稳定性和长期性,并通过双边和多边渠道开展工作。我们战略的核心是致力于确保我们与我们的盟友一起创造公平和开放的市场。

There is a future in which all of us in the global economy can grow and succeed – where prosperity is inclusive within our own borders and across those borders too.  
在未来,我们全球经济中的所有人都可以实现增长和成功,繁荣包容我们自己的边界内和跨越这些边界。

The path we have been on did not take us there.  President Biden’s priorities that I’ve laid out today are aimed at achieving a shared prosperity that is good for our workers, producers, and businesses; good for our allies; and good for the global economy.  
我们走过的路并没有把我们带到那里。拜登总统今天阐述的优先事项旨在实现共同繁荣,这对我们的工人、生产者和企业都有好处,对我们的盟友也有好处,对全球经济也有好处。

Thank you.
谢谢你。

翻译仅供参考,详情请看原文
来源:USTR官网



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